Catalonia is Coming Back
After the German Elections
The most significant political event in recent days hasn’t been the Alternative for Germany’s election results but rather the three consecutive interviews Catalan media outlets have conducted with Sílvia Orriols. Just five minutes of listening to the mayor of Ripoll is enough to see that every time she speaks, she pierces through the autonomist narrative that has upheld both post-Transition Spain and the Spain of Article 155. Orriols isn’t blacklisted for moral or electoral reasons—she’s blacklisted because her voice taps into a past that threatens the delicate equilibrium of the Spanish state.
Let’s not forget that Catalonia was the first nation in the European Union to attempt to reassert its place in history since World War II. October 1st was chaotic—built on lies and naivety—but it was also the first time a European people had tried to break the balance of power established by the Americans after the defeat of Nazism and the consolidation of Franco’s regime. In different ways, both Catalonia and Germany have worked hard—and paid a steep price—to uphold the European order that is now beginning to fracture.
Trump isn’t crazy, nor has he capitulated to Russia. Like past U.S. presidents who bent the law—Jackson, Roosevelt—he’s trying to reposition the United States before the world order turns against it. American leaders have found in Russian militarism the perfect excuse to jolt Germany awake and transform NATO into a web of bilateral agreements. Elon Musk’s support for Alternative for Germany isn’t about ideology; it’s a signal to Berlin’s elites: you have permission to move beyond the shadow of Nazism and the humiliation of World War I.
The U.S. needs Germany to build a real army and provide economic and moral leadership for Europe. The European Union is still far from functioning as a unified bloc. Talk of a European army is laughable when Puigdemont is still receiving Spanish politicians and businessmen in his Brussels exile. Europe will never have a coherent foreign policy—let alone a military—if it can’t even agree on the political significance of October 1st. Catalonia may be a small cog in the continental machine, but it has an uncanny ability to jam the gears, even unintentionally.
Orriols, with her direct rhetoric, connects with the Catalonia of the pre-Civil War era and is paving the way for Catalan-based parties to participate in the resurgence of European nationalism—much like Alternative for Germany is doing. It’s pathetic to watch the leaders of pro-independence parties cling to a crumbling political order that has left Catalonia weakened. At this point, it’s not even about achieving an independent state—it’s about whether Catalans will have their own national politics and a say in shaping the new European order.
Orriols is a political disruptor because she’d rather strike a deal with the CUP radicals who insult her daily than with the PSC of Article 155. Since Joan Fuster wrote Nosaltres, els valencians, Spain has worked hard to equate questioning military centralism with excessive Catalanism—to being synonymous with fascism. Castilians are not part of Carolingian Europe, and they will continue looking toward Miami and South America. But Catalonia is a Mediterranean nation, deeply connected to Italy and the Franco-Germanic world. And Barcelona risks being sidelined from key trade routes, trapped in an increasingly Africanized Iberian Peninsula, if it continues to let Madrid drag it down.
A century ago, Catalonia and Germany were two of the wealthiest, most dynamic nations in Europe. The defeats of Berlin and Barcelona provided the U.S. with lucrative business opportunities while also stabilizing the continent and turning it into a single market. Decades of peace have made Europeans complacent, dulling the drive and resilience needed to modernize the economy and maintain global relevance. As Germany reenters history, Europe’s balance will shift—and if Catalonia doesn’t wake up, it risks being left behind.
Orriols’ rise is a powerful expression of a reawakening Europe, occurring in the least Europeanized state of all. Yet Junts, ERC, and the CUP continue to embody a French-style Europe—one that never tires of making grand speeches with other people’s money and effort. Orriols cannot succeed alone. And Catalonia is doomed if nationalist parties believe they can afford to dismiss her as a mere fascist. The overwhelming success of this week’s interviews suggests that something is about to change.